How do officials think about the costs of expropriation?

The government has introduced legislation which will allow the Minister of Health and the Director General to take over private companies doing COVID testing (further description is here). The likely target of this change is Rako, which has sought a commercial negotiation with the government for the last year. The amendment, which is before the Select Committee, will give the government the option of taking Rako’s property and unilaterally determine compensation.

So, what do officials see as the costs of de facto nationalisation of COVID testing?

Here is what the Ministry of Health has to say in its Fact Sheet 5: Regulating COVID-19 laboratory testing and managing testing supplies and capacity:

The proposed change will not have any direct impacts. Orders made under the new provision may impose obligations or restrictions on testing laboratories to ensure quality of testing, integration of test results with the public testing repository and regulation of testing consumables.

It is important to note that an Order to requisition supplies or redirect capacity to the public health response would only be made if there was significant COVID-19 resurgence where there is insufficient testing capacity in the public system.

Here is what the Regulatory Impact Statement says about costs:

There may be modest costs to the Crown in administering any regulatory regime should this be required. There may also be administrative and other costs for public/private laboratories depending on what is proposed. These costs would be assessed at the time any order is made.

The RIS essentially repeats that last sentence when it says, “A full cost assessment would be undertaken should a COVID-19 Public Health Order (Order) be proposed using the new provisions.”

As for benefits, the RIS says “[t]his proposal will ensure flexibility in the legislation to make orders to effectively manage laboratory testing (if required) to ensure appropriate regulation of quality control and minimum standards in relation to testing, integration of COVID-19 test results into the public health, management of the supply of testing consumables.”

Set aside the fact that officials who cannot secure MIQ or order vaccines on time obviously cannot deliver any of those benefits.

Focus on costs. Officials seem to operating with a cost model that threatening to take a company’s IP is costless, and costs crystalise only when property is actually taken.

I wonder what Rako’s investors and employees think about that view? In fact, I wonder what every owner of intellectual property in every sector thinks about the Ministry’s view.

Because the cost of taking companies’ property is not the administrative overhead, as officials suggest in the RIS.

The cost is all the investment in innovation that will not happen in the future.

Those costs are large, big enough to be measured in percentages of GDP. So it is laughable that officials could list administrative costs as the only real downside of their proposal.

Do officials at the Ministry of Health understand how investment in specific assets works? Do they understand that investment in intellectual property, and in all sunk assets, depends on the credibility of the government’s promise not to take the property once it is created? Do officials recognise that even threatening such opportunism in one sector could have wider ramifications about security of property elsewhere? That prospective investors in wind turbines or EV charging infrastructure won’t notice the government putting in place machinery to take the property of medical companies?

Could officials and the government be any more short-sighted?

Just when you thought it could not get any worse

Having banned saliva testing for more than a year, the government is now proposing to take it. As in, expropriate inventors and manufacturers of COVID testing products.

Newsroom ($) quotes the Chief Executive of Rako, Leon Grice:

There is other legislation where the Government can come in and expropriate or requisition private property – that’s the Public Works Act. But that has more protections, like a process to determine a market rate that the Government must pay…. They can just insist we give up our stock and our reagents and our premises that we need to do our work.

This is real. The government really is proposing to give the Minister of Health the right to “insist we give up our stock and our reagents and our premises that we need to do our work.” The COVID-19 Public Health Response Amendment Bill (No 2) 2021 says:

11 Orders that can be made under this Act

(1) The Minister or the Director-General may, in accordance with section 9 or 10 (as the case may be), make an order under this section for 1 or more of the following purposes:

(e) requiring the owner or any person in charge of a specified laboratory that undertakes COVID-19 testing to—

(i) deliver or use, in accordance with directions given under the order, specified quantities of COVID-19 testing consumables that the Minister considers necessary for the purposes of the public health response to COVID-19:

(ii) undertake COVID-19 testing solely for the purposes of the public health response to COVID-19 while subject to the order, whether or not the laboratory is contracted by the Crown for that purpose.

The bill says the Minister will be able to set quality control standards in labs, manage the supply of testing consumables, and set different rules for different classes of testing.

Presumably the government’s target is Rako.

The bill provides for compensation and appeal:

11A Compensation or payment relating to requisitions

(1) This section applies if an order is made under section 11(1)(e).

(2) The owner of a testing laboratory injuriously affected by the requisitioning of testing consumables is entitled to receive compensation from the Crown at the market rate for the consumables requisitioned.

(3) The owner of a testing laboratory required to undertake COVID-19 testing solely for the purposes of the public health response to COVID-19 is entitled to be paid by the Crown for its services at the market rate for those services.

(4) All questions and disputes relating to claims for compensation or payment under this section must be heard and determined by the District Court, whose decision is final.

However, the bill does not define “market rate” or say who decides it. If the answer is Ministry of Health officials – the purchaser – then clearly there is a problem.

As I understand it, Grice has been asking for a commercial negotiation for the best part of a year. How is expropriation even on the table?

Expropriation is likely even if the quoted provisions are never used. The government will have a commanding position in any commercial negotiation when in its back pocket it has the option to take the property of the counterparty and decide compensation.

It is… breathtaking that a government which is borrowing a billion dollars a week wants to nickel and dime the developer of the one thing we need more almost than anything else right now: a rapid fast, saliva-based PCR test for COVID. If Grice’s technology means ten fewer minutes of lockdown, pay him. Let him have his millions. Or make a deal with a competitor. Either way, it’s worth it. And not just for COVID-19. We want the Leon Grices of the world to turn up in the next pandemic, too.

But, no. This government is threatening to take the property of the one company which could do more than any other to get us out of lockdowns. I look forward to the government’s explanation for how that is in the public interest. The judgment seems astoundingly poor. This looks like world class bad faith from officials and ministers.

Another worrying aspect of the bill are the proposed changes for section 12. The government wants to remove the prohibition which says a COVID-19 order “may not apply only to a specific individual”. Changes in section 12 and elsewhere in the bill are clearly designed to enable the Minister and Director-General to issue orders to specific individuals.

This is draconian legislation, yet it seems to be slipping under the radar. It deserves attention.

Here is the legislation: https://www.legislation.govt.nz/bill/government/2021/0068/latest/LMS552303.html

Here is where to make a submission, which closes next Monday, 11 October:

https://www.parliament.nz/en/pb/sc/make-a-submission/document/53SCHE_SCF_BILL_115898/covid-19-public-health-response-amendment-bill-no-2

Here is the Ministry of Health analysis and RIS: https://www.health.govt.nz/our-work/diseases-and-conditions/covid-19-novel-coronavirus/covid-19-response-planning/covid-19-public-health-response-amendment-bill-no-2-2021

Here are marked up changes to section 11: https://www.dropbox.com/scl/fi/vpqwry2bzd0v6fypz1hs4/11_diff.docx?dl=0&rlkey=armucq7yh1w4qejp8yy7ppf1c

And to section 12: https://www.dropbox.com/scl/fi/sidz80ck8yaalfx50d2ss/12_diff.docx?dl=0&rlkey=7mbivhxfbo5bayrkcvtj53phz